Afghanistan

On death penalty, Catholics have evolved by Protestants clash on doctrinal details

On death penalty, Catholics have evolved by Protestants clash on doctrinal details

After the Second Vatican Council, the 1566 Catechism continued to teach that civil authorities could use the death penalty to "punish the guilty and protect the innocent. Far from involving the crime of murder, the just exercise of this power is an act of paramount obedience to this divine law, which prohibits murder."

On November 5, 2009 -- when Major Nidal Hasan killed 13 at Fort Hood, Texas -- an updated Catechism said if guilt was "fully determined" church teachings do "not exclude recourse to the death penalty, if this is the only possible way of effectively defending human lives against the unjust aggressor." Civil authorities were urged to seek "non-lethal means … more in conformity to the dignity of the human person."

Quoting a 2017 Pope Francis address, the Catechism now says, "the death penalty is inadmissible because it is an attack on the inviolability and dignity of the person." Thus, the church "works with determination for its abolition worldwide."

Catholic leaders spoke quickly when the Department of Defense said President Donald Trump backed Hasan's death by firing squad on December 3 at Fort Hood, the first military execution of this kind since World War II. After initially approving a public livestream, Trump cancelled that order but said victims' families could attend.

A televised firing squad would have been a "strong deterrent for the World to witness how America deals with terrorists and SCUM," the president posted. However, "many very good … people would rather not watch him die."

During the days when the livestream was in play, the Hasan drama offered a case study of modern Christian debates about capital punishment. Catholics cited the evolving Catechism. Protestants debated Old Testament passages supporting public executions.

After the fall: Many religious believers in Afghanistan are in hiding, with good cause

After the fall: Many religious believers in Afghanistan are in hiding, with good cause

There's a logical reason that Taliban forces have not been accused of destroying any churches in Afghanistan.

"That's the dirty little secret. There were no churches before the Taliban returned to power," said Nina Shea, director of the Hudson Institute's Center for Religious Freedom and a human-rights activist for 30 years. "Christians were already underground because of the constant threats to their lives, so they didn't have any church buildings to blow up."

Everyone remembers the shocking videos when desperate Afghans chased a U.S. military plane on a Kabul runway, pleading to be among those evacuated. At least two people fell to their deaths after clinging to a plane during takeoff.

Ever since, there have been reports about the dangers faced by those left behind, especially Afghans with ties to the U.S. military, the fallen government or workers in secular or religious non-profit groups that remained behind to continue humanitarian work.

Christians, Hindus, Sikhs, Ahmadis, Shia Muslims and members of other religious minorities are also living in fear.

"They are all on the run. They are all in hiding," said Shea, reached by telephone. "People are being hunted down and beaten and are threatened with death if they don't betray members of their families who are considered apostates" by the Taliban.

It's impossible not to discuss religious freedom during this crisis, she added. "Everything the Taliban does is about religion. Religion is involved when they hang people for violating their approach to Islamic law or when they attack women and girls who want to go to school. For the Taliban, this is all connected."

Jan 6th U.S. Capitol riot or return of Taliban: Which was the top 2021 religion-news story?

Jan 6th U.S. Capitol riot or return of Taliban: Which was the top 2021 religion-news story?

For journalists who braved the chaos, the Jan. 6th riot on Capitol Hill offered a buffet of the bizarre -- a throng of Proud Boys, QAnon prophets, former U.S. military personnel and radicalized Donald Trump supporters that crashed through security lines and, thus, into history.

Many protestors at Trump’s legal "Save America" rally carried signs, flags and banners with slogans such as "Jesus is my Savior, Trump is my president" or simply "Jesus 2020." In this context, "Jesus saves" took on a whole new meaning.

Some of that symbolism was swept into the illegal attack on the U.S. Capitol.

In its poll addressing major religion events in 2021, members of the Religion News Association offered this description of the top story: "Religion features prominently during the Jan. 6 assault on the U.S. Capitol by pro-Trump insurrectionists. Some voice Christian prayers, while others display Christian or pagan symbols and slogans inside and outside the Capitol."

Consider, for example, Jacob Anthony Chansley -- or Jake "Yellowstone Wolf" Angeli. With his coyote-skin and buffalo-horns headdress, red, white and blue face paint and Norse torso tattoos, the self-proclaimed QAnon shaman, UFO expert and metaphysical healer became the instant superstar of this mash-up of politics, religion and digital conspiracy theories.

"Thank you, Heavenly Father … for this opportunity to stand up for our God-given inalienable rights," he said, in a video of his U.S. Senate remarks from the vice president's chair. "Thank you, divine, omniscient, omnipotent, omnipresent Creator God for filling this chamber with your white light and love. Thank you for filling this chamber with patriots that love you and that love Christ. …

“Thank you for allowing the United States of America to be reborn. Thank you for allowing us to get rid of the communists, the globalists and the traitors within our government."

That was one loud voice. A big question that must be answered, in future trials and the U.S. House investigation, is whether it's true -- as claimed by the New York Times -- that the "most extreme corners of support for Mr. Trump have become inextricable from some parts of white evangelical power in America."