One contained a stick-figure cartoon of two men having sex. One proclaimed “Thank God For Dead Soldiers” and another “God Hates You.” During the demonstration these signs faced what the Rev. Fred Phelps Sr., and his family call the pro-America “pep rally” that greets them wherever they go — throngs of counter protesters, journalists, military veterans and police.

“We’re not picketing the funeral,” stressed attorney Margie Phelps, in a standing-room-only showdown with student journalists at the recent College Media Convention in New York City. “We’re picketing the pep rally.”

That may sound like a trivial detail, but it was central to the legal and, at times, theological arguments that unfolded when the Snyder family’s lawsuit reached the U.S. Supreme Court. This led to a sweeping 8-1 ruling on March 2 in favor of Phelps, his family and their tiny independent congregation in Topeka, Kan.

When arguing her case — both to the high court and the young journalists — daughter Margie Phelps stressed that a key point in the Westboro message is that the “you” in the slogan “God Hates You” was not a reference to Matthew Snyder, alone. The central idea of their protests is that God hates all sinners who have not repented and embraced their church’s hellfire-and-brimstone view of America’s moral decay.

When Phelps discussing those facing God’s wrath, she included just about every imaginable religious and political group. While Westboro is best known for its conviction that America is speeding toward judgment day because of its acceptance of gay rights, her conference remarks also included nasty shots at Jews, Catholics, Southern Baptists and Pentagon officials, among others.

Most of the students cheered her critics, mocked her stabs at humor and jeered her attempts to justify her beliefs. Yet the crowd remained rather quiet when, in a taped dialogue with First Amendment Center leader Gene Policinski, she repeatedly noted America’s long heritage of protecting the free speech rights of dissenters.

“The Christian in me could barely sit still and listen to Phelps twist the Bible. … Yet almost paradoxically, the American journalist in me felt a little bubble of pride,” said Rebecca Young of the University of Dayton, in an essay posted online afterwards. “As angry and upset as I was at the ideas espoused, I was proud of a profession and a country that acknowledges their freedoms don’t just exist when it’s convenient.”

To understand Westboro and its beliefs, stressed Margie Phelps, it helps to know that the church’s tactics have evolved during the past two decades and the 45,000 protests it claims to have staged at a variety of public events, including about 800 funerals.

For a decade, the central message was that America needed to repent and turn away from sin. But as the death toll kept rising in Iraq, she said Westboro’s leaders concluded that, “It’s too late now. … This nation is doomed.” Above all, they were infuriated when many of the funerals for the fallen turned into patriotic rallies.

“We watched as the politicians, the media, the military, the citizenry and the veterans used the occasion of these soldiers’ deaths to publish a viewpoint,” said Phelps, describing the First Amendment arguments she used before the Supreme Court. “And we said, ‘We don’t agree with your viewpoint. God is not blessing America. It is a curse that that young soldier, the fruit of your nation, is lying in there in that coffin.’ …

“That is not a blessing of God. … The soldiers are dying for your sins.”

The bottom line, concluded Margie Phelps, is that Westboro Baptist simply “joined that public debate” on public sidewalks, while following all existing laws that govern public protests. Now, national outrage about the court decision has strengthened the convictions of the Phelps family.

“These are desperate times, calling for desperate measures and we are going to get these words into your ears,” she said. By focusing on military funerals, the leaders of Westboro Baptist “know that we are hitting three of your biggest idols — the flag, the uniform and the dead bodies. …

“We are going to finish this work. The Lord God Jehovah has our back.”

“Thou art not a God that hath pleasure in wickedness. … The foolish shall not stand in thy sight: thou hatest all workers of iniquity,” warned the psalmist.

Obviously, says the Rev. Fred Phelps of Westboro Baptist Church, this passage teaches that God hates the evil liberals who run the Southern Baptist Convention, along with legions of other Americans.

Phelps also believes that God hates the pope and plenty of other religious leaders who are called “conservatives,” “traditionalists” and even “fundamentalists” in public debates about faith, morality and culture.

Southern Baptists are too liberal? Yes, that’s why activists from the independent Westboro Baptist congregation in Topeka, Kan., like to picket major SBC meetings carrying those now familiar signs with slogans such as, “Thank God for Dead Soldiers,” “God Hates America,” “Thank God for AIDS” and, of course, “God Hates Fags.”

With Westboro Baptist, up is down and down is up.

It may take months for the U.S. Supreme Court to rule on the First Amendment puzzle that is the clash between Phelps and Albert Snyder, the grieving father of Marine Lance Cpl. Matthew Snyder. A Westboro Baptist team held a protest near the Catholic funeral of Snyder’s son and church leaders also posted a website screed claiming that the divorced father raised his son to “serve the devil.” A Maryland court gave Snyder $5 million, but the award was overturned.

Behind this pain and grief is a thicket of legal and journalistic thorns.

This is a case in which the mainstream press has spilled oceans of ink attacking Phelps’ flock. Nevertheless, the core facts provoked the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press and 21 news organizations to file a friend-of-the-court brief supporting the church’s right to hold legal protests and for journalists to cover them. News executives are especially worried because the protesters complied with all restrictions imposed by civic officials, including moving their demonstration away from the church. Snyder saw their hateful slogans in news reports and on the Internet.

This is case in which scholars have struggled to find a way to defend the free speech and religious liberty rights of Westboro believers, as well as the religious liberty and privacy rights of grieving family members.

In a reluctant defense of Phelps, a New York Times editorial quoted Justice Felix Frankfurter: “It is a fair summary of history to say that the safeguards of liberty have often been forged in controversies involving not very nice people.” I once heard a church-state scholar put it this way: “Your religious liberties have been purchased for you by believers with whom you wouldn’t necessarily want to have dinner.”

What about the American Civil Liberties Union? After all, in the 1970s this organization backed the right of neo-Nazis to march through Skokie, Ill., a small community that was home to a large number of Holocaust survivors.

In a court brief backing Westboro Baptist, “we pointed out that the First Amendment’s protection of freedom of speech guarantees that no one can be found liable for merely expressing an opinion about a matter of public concern, regardless of how hurtful those opinions might be,” noted Chris Hampton, a leader in ACLU efforts to promote lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender causes.

The goal, she added, is to protect First Amendment principles that have been “essential to the advancement of civil rights, including the civil rights of LGBT people. Allowing Fred Phelps to speak his mind may be difficult, but chipping away at one of the fundamental principles on which our country was founded is far, far worse for all of us in the long run.”

This is, of course, precisely the kind of liberal thinking that Phelps condemns out of hand, even when voiced by religious conservatives. According to his reading of Psalm 5 and many other scripture passages, Phelps believes that God hates what he calls “kissy-pooh” sermons that refuse to proclaim that God never, ever forgives homosexuals and many other sinners.

The Westboro website once warned preachers who claim that God will forgive those who repent, no matter what: “You are going to Hell! Period! End of discussion! God’s decree sending you to Hell is irreversible! Hypocrites!”

“That’s Bible preaching,” Phelps told Baptist Press, in a 2003 interview about his beliefs. “You tell [people] that God loves everybody? You’re lying on God.”

Baha’is also embrace alcohol, pork, gambling and adultery.

Human rights activists are studying this new wave of hate for one reason — the Islamic Republic of Iran runs Kayhan. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei picks the managing editor. So there’s more to these headlines than ink and paper.

“When Iran has a new enemy, it never takes long for them to connect that enemy to us,” said Kit Bigelow, external affairs director for the Baha’i faith in the United States. “It used to be Russian and Britain, then it was Israel and the Zionists. Now, it’s the United States. … We can see certain dots being connected right now in Iran, even though we can’t say for sure that we can see cause and effect. It’s foreboding.”

Here are some of the dots the experts are connecting.

Iranian officials recently arrested 54 Baha’is and their supporters involved in a UNICEF community service project in Shiraz, even though the young people obtained a permission letter for their project from the local Islamic Council. Last week, 51 of them were released on bail, although they have not been formally charged with a crime.

The three young people still in jail “were not the leaders, in any sense of the word” and no one knows why they have been singled out, said Bigelow. Other arrests during the past year have followed this pattern — mysterious arrests, demands for bail and no formal charges. Meanwhile, Iranian police also raided six Baha’i homes and collected computers, books, notebooks and other documents.

“We think this is part of a strategy to keep the Baha’i community off balance, to keep us on tenterhooks,” said Bigelow.

But nothing alarmed Baha’is more than the disclosure this spring of a confidential 2005 letter sent to the Iranian Ministry of Information, the Revolutionary Guard and police. It said the “Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, had instructed the Command headquarters to identify persons who adhere to the Baha’i faith and monitor their activities,” according to a statement by Asma Jahangir of Pakistan, Special Rapporteur on religious liberty for the United Nations. The letter asked the “recipients to, in a highly confidential manner, collect any and all information about members of the Baha’i faith.”

Anti-Defamation League director Abraham Foxman connected the dots and detected what he believes is a horrifying pattern.

“These actions … are reminiscent of the steps taken against Jews in Europe and a dangerous step toward the institution of Nuremberg-type laws,” said Foxman, a Holocaust survivor. “This clear attempt to step-up persecution of the Baha’i community in Iran sets a dangerous precedent” and has raised the historic persecution of Iran’s largest religious minority “to the next level.”

These strong words may provide little comfort, since Iranian leaders already claim the Baha’is are agents for Zionism.

Part of the problem is that the Baha’i faith, which proclaims the unity of all religions, also has unique ties to Islam and Iran. The faith began with a leader known as the Bab, who claimed a direct lineage from Muhammad. He predicted the coming of a new prophet, but was executed in 1850 in Tabriz.

Baha’is believe this new prophet — the successor to Abraham, Moses, Jesus, Muhammad and others — was Baha’ullah, who was born in 1817 in Tehran. He was persecuted and repeatedly banished to Baghdad, Constantinople and, finally, Palestine. He died in 1892 and his tomb, and the Bab’s tomb, is in a shrine near the Baha’i headquarters in Haifa.

Thus, Iran insists that Baha’i believers are both apostates and heretics, Thus, the faith is a sect that does not deserve the recognition and rights that the Islamic republic grants to Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians.

“They believe that the Baha’i faith is not a valid, independent world religion in its own right,” said Bigelow, who is a convert from Christianity. “And, of course, our holy shrine is located in what has become the modern state of Israel. So when Baha’is around the world, including thousands of Baha’is in Iran, send money to help support this shrine and our work they are sending money to Israel. You can imagine what the current leaders of Iran think of that.”

The hall was full of unfamiliar students wanting to become members. Most were carrying Bibles with markers in the first chapter of St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. They also had copies of the campus policy forbidding discrimination on the basis of “race, religion, color, national origin, ancestry, age, sex, sexual orientation, disability, marital or veteran status.”

Truth is, this scene hasn’t happened at Rutgers or anywhere else — so far.

What if it did?

What if conservative Christians tried to rush a gay-rights group and elect new leaders? What if, when told they couldn’t join because they rejected its core beliefs, evangelicals cited cases in which Christian groups were punished for refusing leadership roles to homosexuals? What if, when jeered by angry homosexuals, evangelicals called this verbal violence rooted in religious bigotry and, thus, harassment?

“No, no, no. I have never heard of a case in which conservative Catholics, Protestants or Jews tried to turn the tables in this fashion,” said historian Alan Charles Kors, president of the Philadelphia-based Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE)

“That would never happen. There is an inherent meekness … among students of faith on all these campuses. It’s so ironic that people call them intolerant and offensive. Most of these religious students are among the last people who would ever go where they are not wanted. All they want is to be free to express their beliefs.”

But there have been a growing number of cases in which traditional religious groups have been attacked because their “intolerant” beliefs and policies offend modern academia. Almost all of these cases are collisions between ancient moral doctrines and campus policies that defend and promote the Sexual Revolution.

The bottom line, according to recent FIRE legal guides, is that almost all campus policies that inhibit religious practices also inhibit the constitutional rights of free speech, association and assembly. Public colleges and universities are not supposed to make doctrinal decisions that deny privileges to some religious groups that are then extended to other secular or religious groups.

Yet that is what is happening.

“Religious liberty is now center stage in the battle for freedom on campus,” according to David French, a Harvard Law School graduate who wrote the manual covering disputes over faith issues. “Religious students are particularly convenient targets. After all, they think and behave in ways that many other students don’t understand; they tend to be small minorities on most campuses; and — by religious conviction — they often resist even the most heavy-handed repression.”

For all of their talk about “diversity” and “tolerance,” French is convinced many academic leaders think that “the fewer ‘fanatics’ — of the ‘wrong’ kind — the better.”

While these campus disputes are often described in terms of “left” and “right,” the FIRE project (www.thefireguides.org) has been endorsed by a diverse coalition of activists ranging from Edwin Meese III, attorney general in the Reagan administration, to American Civil Liberties Union President Nadine Strossen.

The key is that academic leaders must be honest, said French. Leaders at state schools are quickly learning that their work is covered by explicit laws that ban any “viewpoint discrimination” that blesses some believers and curses others. Religious schools, meanwhile, are allowed to require particular beliefs and practices — mandatory chapel, moral codes, doctrinal statements for faculty — if these rules are clearly stated in writing.

Right now, the toughest battles are at some of America’s most prestigious private colleges and universities. These secular schools once encouraged fierce debates and proudly tolerated dissent. But now, it seems that some worldviews are created more equal than others.

Many religious believers do not discover this reality until they arrive on campus and receive copies of the all-powerful student handbook.

“Students must be told the truth,” said French. “They should not be duped into believing that they have enrolled in a school that respects their beliefs and their freedom to express viewpoints that are out of the so-called mainstream. These secular schools must be more honest in their recruiting materials and catalogues. This is a truth in advertising issue.”